| 1.
BACKGROUND: THE ENERGY AND WATER SECTORS |
The
performance of the Indian power sector is increasingly
dependent on how efficiently irrigation water is used
and paid for. Water withdra wal is an energy intensive
operation
performed throughout the agricultural sector that results
in a third of the power consumption in the country being
used
for the roughly 50% of the national irrigation water
consumption extracted from groundwater resources. Highly
subsidized power supply policies for agriculture have
major
implications for the overall condition of the power
sector and associated water resource. Economic logic
– the low marginal cost of pumping and high marginal
returns of abundant use of water – has dictated
that ground water tables are sinking deeper and deeper.
In 286 districts across 18 states, water levels have
fallen by five meters
1
. Half of rural western India’s wells are dry.
2
The level of attention paid to water use efficiency
is directly proportional to the prices charged for water
servicing. Rising prices lead to increasing attention
to water use and, in the long run, more efficient use
of water. Addressing water and energy use efficiencies
in the Indian agricultural sector requires a strategic
combination of several interdependent components. There
has to be central and state policy dialogue on power
and water sector reform to develop an energy and water
framework. Commercial practices have to be introduced
in rural power distribution in order to expand the domain
of power planning beyond the customer side of the electrical
meter to encompass the water well, the exploitation
and recharge of aquifers and the management of the watershed
as a whole. It is also essential to involve the rural
consumer in partnership to advance energy and water
use efficiency, there by improving re form prospects.
Above all, the issue of good governance involving all
affected stakeholders will be needed to realize the
many potential benefits of a closer union between the
power and water sectors. The country is beginning to
recognize the importance of addressing these challenges:
the need for cost recovery and cross-sectoral integration
and coordination of water and energy demand planning
and use. There are other socioeconomic and related governance
challenges as well. Substantive research undertaken
over the past two decade by analysts such as Amartya
Sen, Robert Chambers and Tushaar Shah among others,
has demonstrated a strong linkage between poverty alleviation
and reliable access to basic amenities such as power
and ground water. Groundwater, Power and Poverty; Governance:
Access to groundwater is the single most important factor
determining the reliability of water supplies. Reliable
irrigation water supplies are the lead input required
to ma ke the full “green revolution” p a
ckage of seeds, fertilizers and other inputs viable.
Without reliable water supplies, the risk associated
with other investments in agricultural production is
high since everything can be lost due to variations
in precipitation. Furthermore, when drought hits, farmers
without access to reliable irrigation are often forced
to migrate or sell the limited assets they have been
able to accumulate. The result is a continuing cycle
of p overty. Access to assured irri gation such as groundwater
creates a positive cycle out of poverty. Since groundwater
availability is relatively independent of recent fluctuations
in rainfall and there is often very substantial inter-annual
stora g e , farmer’s access to water is rarely
threatened by climatic changes – at least on a
short-term basis. This gives groundwater irrigation
a substantial advantage over surface irrigation with
regard to poverty alleviation.
3
Groundwater is reliable, but that reliability is directly
and singularly affected by the reliability of power
supplies. If powersupplies are unreliable, the unique
advantages of groundwater with respect to poverty alleviation
will be totally lost
4
. The political will to usher reforms that ensure reliability
of power supply and attendant ground water reliability
will ultimately depend on good governance by enabling
empowered stakeholders making their voices heard . A
motivated, wellinformed and org anized civil society,
media and business community can pressure government
decision-makers to support sustainable and integrated
management of energy and water resources.
2.
THE NEXUS – THE DEVELOPMENT HYPOTHESIS FOR GOVERNANCE:
It
is clear that unsustainable practices in the use and
management of one sector are intimately related to the
fate of the other, due to two fundamental realities:
ENERGY
IS REQUIRED TO MAKE USE OF WATER
RESOURCES. Energy is consumed whenever water or wastewater
is withdrawn from surface or ground water sources, transported,
treated, or disposed of
WATER
IS ALSO REQUIRED TO MAKE USE OF ENERGY RESOURCES.
Water is necessary at several stages of energy production,
conversion or end use, and is the sink for much energy-related
contamination.
An
integrated approach across use sectors, geographic areas
and social groups is fundamental to ensure adequate
service provision to all stakeholders. This is particularly
relevant as competition for energy and water increases.
A holistic approach of governance allows for inclusion
of health and environmental issues in the resource management
equation and provides for responses based on analysis
of tradeoffs and costs with use of energy and water.
It is to consumers that the benefits good governance
will be felt. This can happen only through awareness,
understanding, and appreciation of the linkages among
the various users of the resources, as well as development
of the proper enabling environments and institutional
frameworks to support collaboration, cooperation and
participatory governance.
3.
ENERGY-WATER NEXUS IN RURAL AREAS : AGRICULTURE (See
FIGURE 1):
The
precise points of ov erl ap a n d p o t e n t i a l
mismanagement or improved efficiency in either the water
or energy sectors vary depending on the specific h uman
activity sector, geogra phic area and source of water
and energy supply. Figure .
1
illustrates some of the key driving forces, feedback
relationships and impacts associated with existing ‘vicious
cycles’ for one illustrative areas of intensive
energy and water use: agriculture in rural areas. In
this sector of economic activity, consumption of energy
and water are closely tied to productivity of the land
and the livelihoods of farmers. Highly subsidized power
supply policies for agriculture and non-commercial operating
practices of utilities have major implications for the
overall condition of the power sector and associated
water resources issues. First, they have undermined
state finances and the performance of the state run
electric utilities (the State Electricity Boards - SEBs)
because every unit of energy sold to agriculture represents
a significant financial loss to the utility. 6 The we
a k fi n a n c i a l condition of the SEBs makes it
difficult for these utilities to provide re l i able
service on a sustainab l e basis to a situation that
worsens with every additional energy unit consumed by
a fa rmer. The rural/agricultural sector in India uses
85% of the country ’s ava i l able fresh water.
However, irri gation efficiency is only 20-50%. In other
words, Indian a g riculture wastes up to half of the
country ’s fresh water supply. Although from a
basin perspective , much of the wasted water is reused,
significant amount of water is wasted primarily due
to irrigation inefficiencies. There a re inefficiencies
on the energ y front as well. Agriculture accounts for
about 27% of
the total electricity consumption in India. The consumption
is somewhat higher in the states like

AP,
Gujarat, MP,UP, Karnataka and Harya n a , where gricultura
l electricity use is between 35-45%. However, sale of
this electricity amounts to no more than 0-10% of the
electricity utilities revenues. The resultant unreliability
of electricity provision to farmers directly leads to
one of the most important vicious c ycles in the agricultural
sector, especially for the roughly 50% of irrigation
water sumption across the country extracted from groundwater
sourc e s. The cycle unfolds as follows: Unreliable
grid electricity, with its ntermittent service, irregular
hours of provision (often at off-peak nighttime hours),
and fluctuating voltage make it difficult for the armer
to efficiently manage his irrigation schedule and the
amount of water he releases to his fields. The farmer
copes with irregular energy supply by buying oversized
pump motors to ensure maximum water withdra wal during
limited periods of power ava i l ability,and protect
his motor from burnout caused by irregular voltages
. He also may supplement grid supply with dieselpowered
pumps. In addition, because of the inconvenient timing
of electricity availability, the farmer leaves his pumps
running 24 hours a day, there by indiscriminately pumping
water whenever the electricity comes on, often far in
excess of what is needed. Since farmers face little
or no marginal electricity cost when pumping, they have
little financial incentive for efficient water use,
encouraging overexploitation. Making the entire situation
worse is the typical farmer dissatisfaction with the
energy services he receives and an unwillingness to
allow pumpsets to be metered or to pay even the applicable
flat rate tariff for p ower. Water itself is also virtually
fre e , re m oving any remaining disincentive to inefficient
agricultural practices that sap shrinking water supplies.
As wasteful behavior proceeds, some of it attributable
to poor governance,9 aquifers are being depleted so
that farmers must purchase even larger capacity motors
to pump water from deeper and deeper wells, thus exacerbating
the energy-water waste cycle.
Energy inefficiencies such as these obviously contribute
to increased greenhouse gases (GHGs).10 In addition,
depleted water supplies contribute to lowered agricultural
productivity as well as ground and surface water contamination,
all with potential health and economic impacts.

The
enormous proportion of all water and energy consumed
in India’s agricultural sector ma ke this negative
cycle a priority area of concern.11 Unfortunately it
is also among the most difficult sets of issues to address,
since the costs of energy and water are so subsidized
in the agricultural sector.
4.
GROUNDWATER DELETION - IMPACTS ON HEALTH
Groundwater
usually tastes cool and delicious. The ke y a d vantage
of aquifers is high microbiological quality, arising
from its protected situation locked in a natural vault.
But just as pollution depletes the quantity of surface
water, depletion pollutes the groundwater quality. Plunging
water tables create a vacuum, concentrate total dissolved
solids (TDS), draw saltwater intrusion and expose natural
elements at deeper elevations.
Water quality decline – especially involving fluoride,
nitra t e concentrations and arsenic – harm the
life, health, productivity and development of infants,
children, pregnant women and the elderly. Methaemoglobinemia,
caused by nitrate-nitrite conversion in the intestines,
lead to listlessness and bluish tinge of the skin. Nitrate
poisoned cattle lose milk and abort c a l ves. Families
can’t filter or boil away nitrate, only distil
it, which is too costly. Health specialists propose
pumping less groundwater, a d vocating better sanitation,
re d u c i n g indiscriminate use of fertilizers, or
recharging aquifers to dilute. These issues of governance
are hard to mandate.
5.
FLAT WASTAGE
The adoption of flat rate pricing for agricultural power
is cause for this perverse state of affairs. Under this
system, a fa rmer pays a fixed price per horsepower
per month for electricity. There fore the marginal cost
of pumping water is zero. This leads to energ y wa s
t a g e , over-pumping and inefficient selection of
crops. Flat rate pumping also masks the true cost of
power to farmers. The tariff structure a n d the poor
combination of technology and management are responsible
for water loss, unsustainable exploitation of groundwater
and the high energy losses associated with the distribution
and end-use of electricity in irrigation water pumping.
Significant energy losses are associated with the distribution
of electricity and in the poor selection, installation,
maintenance and operation of the electrical motor pump
system. A vicious cycle operates two sub-systems in
tandem: the electrical distribution system and the water
pumping system. This vicious cycle comprises three sub-cycles:
The technology sub-cycle, the financial sub-cycle and
the socioeconomic sub-cycle.
6.
TECHNOLOGY SUB-CYCLE
It starts with the electricity distribution system characterized
by poor design and installation of the main distribution
LT feeder lines (11 kV). Overloading the 11-kV/415 V
distribution transformers (DTRs) and long lengths of
undersized secondary lines resulting in high line losses
and large voltage drops compounds this. Farmers have
no control over the quality of supply and on it timing
and duration. There are several consequences of poor
p ower quality. Frequent motor burnout cause leads to
additional costs of reinstallation. As a result, farmers
tend to select robust motors that have thicker armature
coil windings to withstand large current and consequent
localized heat generation without coil burnout. These
motors are less efficient. Also, to ensure that the
flow rate of water pumped out is not reduced due to
voltage conditions, farmers tend to replace existing
motors with higher capacity rating. It has been seen
in Haryana and Andhra Pradesh that farmers use oversized
pumps to obtain the required discharge. The poor management
of load demand by the local distribution sub-station
authorities compounds the problem of poor power quality.
The sub-station personnel follow a prescribed system
of power regulation (power curtailment policy) whereby
power is rotated among the farmers in two blocks of
4-8 hours per day.This power rostering results in certain
undesirable practices that eventually leads to system
failure . A common practice amongst farmers is to keep
their motors switches turned on so that water is pumped
whenever the rostering schedule is in effect for a particular
block. This in effect means that a large number of pumps
become active at the same time, resulting in a load
demand diversity of nearly unity. This causes the 11
kV/415 V DTR to trip and, in cases where the transformer
fuses have been tampered with, the transformer burns-out.
7.
FINANCIAL SUB-CYCLE
Poor quality of power and the resultant impact on performance
and efficiency of pump results in low crop yields and
incomes. Under these conditions, electricity tariff
revisions for farmers are politically resisted and payments
on electricity bills are postponed, resulting in low
cost re c overy. Low cost re c overy, in turn, is linked
to under funding of operations and maintenance of the
power delivery systems. This coupled with poor engineering
standards and state of the LT distribution systems and
inappropriate structure, policies and staff skills of
many SEBs closes the circle by providing poor quality
of supply service. This sets off a chain reaction of
events of motor burnout and transformer overloading.
These further depress cost-re c overy levels and the
vicious cycle sets in. Sub-optimal allocation of resources
towards the distribution system places further burden
on the already vulnerable system causing deterioration
in the quality and reliability of supply.
8. SOCIOECONOMIC
SUB-CYCLE
Exacerbating the low cost recovery issue are the twin
issues of illegal connections and thefts. The former
is a direct result of the long waiting periods for new
connections. The latter is due to the ease with which
unscrupulous elements can tap into the long winding
secondary distribution lines. These are combined with
the near universal practice of “motor nameplate
switching”, whereby higher capacity motors have
their labels altered to indicate lower ratings. In a
flat rate tariff system this further robs the utility
of its legitimate revenue.
9.
CAUSES OF WATER LOSS
There are five causes of water loss. First is the choice
of crop. Farmers select crops that bring in maximum
benefit to them and not crops that use less water. The
natural environment also plays an important role in
determining how much water is lost. Soil types, climate
and hydrology all affect water losses. India has a very
diverse natural environment. A recent classification
by the National Bureau of Soil Survey and Land Use Planning
distinguishes 20 broad agro-ecological zones, separated
by natural features and crop growing periods. Each of
these agro-ecological zones comprises many myriad micro
h abitats. There fore , there are always some regions
in India that will have lower water use efficiency than
others a n d a ny water-efficiency project must be site-specific.
Technology is next on the list of causes. The type of
irri gation and delivery systems determines how efficiently
water is used. Drip and sprinkler irrigation systems
are more complex in design but can be more easily operated
with low losses than surface irrigation methods, which
require a high degree of flexibility in water supply.
Pipe delivery systems generally lose less water than
the more commonly used canal systems although canal
systems are often more easily maintained. The type of
control structure used in irrigation is also important.
Fixed control structures are less flexible but require
a lower degree of expertise to operate and maintain.
All this lends to the fact that technology that requires
less skill to manage may often incur less water loss
than systems that are theoretically more efficient.
A gain, site specific analysis is essential in determining
the proper technology to be used. The fourth cause of
water loss is farmers. Farmer characteristics such as
skills, knowledge, organization and motivation determine
their ability to manage water. The fifth cause of water
loss is the central water agency and its policy. This
cause should be recognized as the most important cause
because it underlies the others. The efficiency of any
water management technology is dependent on the reliability
of the water supply. Farmers cannot function effectively
without a reliable supply of water and have no incentive
to use water efficiently if it is supplied with little
or no charg e . To provide the farmers with the means
and incentive to conserve water, municipalities must
provide water at a realistic cost and simultaneously
improve the quality of the service they provide to the
point where farmers will be willing to pay for it. Attitudes
about the public ownership of water make this
transition difficult. Throughout history water has belonged
to a class of materials called common property resources,
to which access is nonexclusive, ownership is held in
common by the public and prices are very low, or zero.
When the price of input such as water is very low relative
to other productive inputs, it is used without regard
for quantity or conservation.
In India water is supplied to the agricultural sector
virtually
free of charge and therefore farmers use as much of
it as possible. Unfortunately, municipalities raising
the price of water cannot solve this problem. Farmers
also must be willing to pay for the water. It has been
shown that farmers in India are willing to pay for the
water they receive provided that the supply is reliable.
Currently water supply to farmers is very unreliable.
Farmers never know how much water they will get and
when it will come. As a result of this and the low or
non-existent cost, va l ves are most always open so
that farmers can get the most out of the syncopated
water flow. It should also be noted that improving reliability
and timeliness in water supply entails higher costs
in terms of additional storage capacity and pumping.
For example, in Haryana, where the irrigation charges
for surface water supply are less than Rs. 500 per
hectare per year, farmers are known to spend as much
as
Rs. 4500/ha every year in irri gation pumping costs.
These irrigation costs accounts for as much as 20 percent
of the net value of output from these crops. Farmers
are willing to
pay for timely and reliable water supplies for irri
gation. Hence, those institutional and financing arrangements
that ensure reliable water supplies are likely to be
more sustainable for improving water use efficiency
than those that concentrate only on cost-re c overy.
10. ENERGY-WATER
NEXUS: GOVERNANCE APPROACHES
The principal components in any water sector reform
strategy are: Conservation, Regeneration and Sanitation
of the water resourc e s. These elements are not mutually
exclusive but complement one other. Conversely, in a
segre gated approach, resource sustainability, which
is surely the most critical aspect of the re form process,
is often defeated. The integrated model is even more
appropriate in the Indian context as water scarcity
issues are becoming increasingly complex with the alarming
growth in population. By way of contrast power sector
reforms are driven by the need to improve the technical
and financial performance of the utility through the
adoption of commercial practices, restructuring of the
sector by way of unbundling the vertically integrated
SEBs into independent generation, transmission and distribution
companies and establishing independent regulatory bodies.
While one approaches the power sector reform through
the utility’s perspective , it is perhaps customary
to approach the water sector reforms from the users’
perspective. By definition, the root of the water-energy
nexus lies in the inability of the power utility to
provide reliable power to farmers to meet their water
demand leading to a host of inefficient coping strategies
by users/consumers in both electricity and water use.
Governance structures that prevent the degradation of
electricity and water resources through the adoption
of mutually sustainable practices directed at both resources
needs to be adopted. Herein lies the need to expand
the scope of state electricity regulatory agencies to
include oversight and regulation of ground water as
part of its responsibilities.
Together with establishing a role for the state electricity
regulatory agencies to also regulate ground water use,
it is
implicit that we promote voluntary public policies at
the user level to salvage policy restraints at the Government
level. These can be established through effective governance
structures created in shape of community institutions
addressing both energy and water issues. This intervention
would be particularly re l evant to the rural users.
The institutional structure is expected to be the strongest
amongst them considering the high degree of social cohesion
observed in them. Given the large user population it
is almost impossible to reach out to them. It is worthwhile
that the users represent themselves through user energ
y / water institutions. These energy/water institutions
should be adequately empowered through extensive Information,
Education and Communication (IEC) activities. They should
be gradually groomed to plan and manage various targeted
activities. Finally the learning will transform them
into independent management units capable to own up
the entire reform process which would eventually ensure
sustainability in the use of energy and water resources.
11. CHALLENGES
AND BARRIERS TO ENERGY-WATER GOVERNANCE
Although needs are great and many opportunities for
action
present themselves, there are also significant challenges
facing a ny joint energy/water project. These should
be seen not only as obstacles to overcome, but also
as long-term needs to be addressed by any new project
activity. Principal challenges that should be kept in
mind in developing governance structures include:
Water
is primarily considered as a social good in India, creating
significant barriers to cost recovery and full service
provision.
There is little or no political will to deal with water
management as an economic good and force cost recovery.
In comparison with the energy sector, re form in water
resources management is lagging. The fact that the two
sectors are ‘out of phase’ in their paths
to re form present obstacles for their coordinated management.
National and State water policy has not moved beyond
rhetoric. Although there are several good policies and
legal frameworks in place for water resources and waste
management, these have not been successfully implemented
to date.
Institutional and policy barriers to effective water
and energy resource management are significant, especially
in support of cross-sectoral integration and coordination.
Management and operational capabilities among the providers
of energy and water services are inadequate, especially
at the local level.
An enabling environment for technological innovation
and advancement does not exist at the national, state
or municipal level.
12.
CONCLUSION:
The pace of groundwater withdrawals and use in India
is intimately tied to energy prices. A critical factor
in achieving efficiency and sustainability of groundwater
use is the quality and price of power supplies to the
agricultural sector. The use of flat rates for electricity,
combined with unreliable power supply, encoura g e farmers
who own wells to maximize pumping of groundwater. The
political will to implement reforms that ensure reliability
of power supply and attendant efficient use of water
in rural areas will ultimately depend on the creation
and effectiveness of the governance structures in place.
The expansion in the role of state electricity regulatory
commissions to regulate ground water use should be widely
debated. In any event there is a strong case to be made
for establishing local energy/water user groups. A motivated,
wellinformed and organized civil society can pressure
government decision-makers to support sustainable and
integrated management of energy and water resources
and realize the many potential benefits of a closer
union between the power and water sectors.